INFORMAL MEMORANDUM IN RESPONSE TO QUESTIONS ON INDONESIA
11 April 1958
Contents
- A. Some Notes
on the Relationship of Malaya and Sumatra - Page 1
- B. Historical
Associations - Page 2
- C. Language - Page 4
- D. Religion - Page 5
- E. Attitudes
toward Each Other - Page 6
- F. Some Notes
on the Minangkabau - Page 8
INFORMAL MEMORANDUM IN RESPONSE TO QUESTIONS ON INDONESIA
A. Some Notes on the Relationship of Malaya and Sumatra
A survey of the ethnic, religious, cultural, and even economic factors
might suggest the possibility of a closer association between Sumatra and
Malaya than would in fact appear likely on political and emotional grounds. The
common characteristics of Malaya and Sumatran reflect in part the fact that the
Straits of Malacca are only about 60 to 100 miles across; narrow enough to
invite peoples to migrate and governments to seek control of both shores. A
modern history of separate colonial experience has left the Malays and the
Sumatrans with a remarkable different memory of their earlier common history.
It would be unwise to exaggerate the similarities between these two peoples
because their differences are greater than, say, those between Canadians and
Americans or between Australians and New Zealanders.
With respect to the geographic relationship between Malaya and Sumatra it
should be noted that throughout modern history all significant sea powers have
sought to prevent any single power from gaining control of both shores of the
Straits of Malacca. The idea of a union of Malaya and Sumatra has been
repugnant to all sea powers, for even a relatively weak government straddling
the Straits would have substantial advantages.
B. Historical Associations
Although the earliest migrations of people into Malaya came from the
mainland of Southeast Asia, the modern Malayan is generally viewed as having
migrated originally from Sumatra and Java, back to the peninsula. The largest
movements of people from Sumatra came from Palembang and from the Minangkabau
areas. These early migrations from Sumatra were extremely important in shaping
the early history of the Malayan culture. At the time when Palembang was the
center of the Sri Vijaya empire there was a loose political relationship that
encompassed Malaya, and Palembang itself was often referred to as the
"Malaya" country. Although in their customs and habits of life the
people of Negri Sembilan still seem quite close to the Central Sumatrans, they
seem to have little conscious sense of identity with Sumatra. Indeed, the
feeling of the Negri Sembilan for Sumatra is not like that of, say, the
American toward England, but it is more like that of the modern Armenian toward
Greece. He may at best know that he has some historical ties but they hardly
seem relevant to his attitudes toward his present day world.
The peoples of Negri Sembilan were, however, reminded of their earlier ties
with Sumatra when a member of the Sumatran aristocracy was invited to assume
the position of Yang-di-Pertuan and then established the house of the current
ruling family. This did not strengthen greatly any sense of association between
Sumatra and Malaya. The fact that the ruler of Negri Sembilan is now serving as
the first Chief of State, or Yang-di-Pertuan Agong, of the newly independent
Malaya should not suggest any strengthening of ties between Malaya and Sumatra.
First the Portuguese and later the Dutch dominated both shores of the
Straits, making it possible for extensive movements of peoples to take place
between Malaya and Sumatra. For example, shortly after the decline of
Portuguese power, the Achinese from the Western tip of Sumatra engaged in
extensive raiding operations that carried them across much of the Malay
peninsula. However, after the British influence was established in Malaya and
the Dutch colonial control reached into Sumatra, the two areas became formally
separated and the intercourse between them steadily declined.
During the modern colonial period migrations of Sumatrans to Malaya
continued. However, in modern times there have been far more Javanese
immigrants to Malaya than Sumatran. Thus, of the Malayans who originally came
from Indonesia, a far larger proportion think of
themselves as having come from Java than from Sumatra. This is particularly the
case in Johore, where most Indonesian migrants have settled in recent years. At
the same time, it is significant that most Malays who do not think of themselves
as having migrated from Indonesia tend to look down on all recent arrivals,
whether from Java or Sumatra. Since there are more recent migrants from Java
there is generally a stronger feeling of prejudice against Javanese than
Sumatrans.
C. Language
The difference in language between Sumatra and Malaya is not great. The
Malay dialects spoken in Eastern Sumatra are not appreciably different from
those found in the peninsula. However, the differences in dialects among the
peoples of different parts of Sumatra are enough so that the Malayans have
little difficulty in recognizing them as being foreigners. Thus, the language
of the Malay and the Sumatran are similar enough to serve as a constant
reminder to both that they belong to different social groups. In fact, the
degree of similarity and differences in language are about the same as that
between social classes in Western Europe or America. Thus, the Malay and the
Sumatran can each be proud that his speech is different from the other.
D. Religion
The dominant religion in both Malaya and Sumatra is, of course, Islam. In
both regions this religion has provided the basis for much of the popular
culture. In recent years, however, Sumatrans have tended to take a somewhat
more active interest in religion. Thus, on the one hand there have been a
fairly large number of Sumatran converts to Christianity, while on the other
hand it is among the West Sumatrans that one finds the most fanatical
supporters of the prophet in all of Indonesia. In contrast, the Malays have
generally had a more relaxed attitude toward their formal religion. The more
educated Malays find the British approach toward religion an admirable one: religion
is so important that the state should support it, and thus ordinary mortals
need not worry about it.
In general, it may be said that the Malays have a much more spirited
interest in pre-Islamic religious concepts. The Malay generally has a great
deal of respect for his medicine-man or pawang who is believed to be able to
cast hexes, mix poisons, and destroy one’s enemies in all kinds of ways that
will baffle the best trained minds of Scotland Yard. In contrast, it may be
said that the Sumatrans tend to have a less manipulative attitude toward their
earlier religions. Sumatrans tend to be more awed by things magical, while the
Malays are much quicker to explore the practical uses of magic.
E. Attitudes Toward Each Other
The only period of separate colonial rule has given both the Malays and
Sumatrans a sense of belonging to different societies and different nations. In
spite of the weak bonds of nationalism within Indonesia, there has still been
relatively little serious thought among Malays that the situations which
existed before the colonial period should be restored. It is true that among
certain Malay elements there has been talk of the eventual necessity for Malaya
to join with Indonesia as a whole because of the problem of the Chinese in
Malaya.
The desire for such a common state stems almost entirely from a fear of the
Chinese within Malaya. To the extent that Malays have thought in terms of some
eventual union with Indonesia, it has been mainly in terms of Java and not
Sumatra. In the Malay mind it is the Javanese who is seen as a strong and
capable ally against the Chinese, while the Sumatran is seen as less effective.
Those politicians who have spoken of the possibility of such a new state
represent an extremist position, although some of them are to be found within
the United Malay National Organization. The leading Malayan politicians,
however, have been extremely hesitant even to suggest the possibility of
expanding or changing the boundaries of the Malay state to include some part of
Indonesia.
Had Indonesia had a more stable political history since independence, it is
not inconceivable that a larger proportion of Malays would be showing interest
in some kind of association with Indonesia. The basis for such a desire,
however, would stem largely from (1) a feeling of insecurity toward the Chinese
within Malaya, and (2) a desire to find strength from a vigorous Islamic
leadership. A disunited and weak Indonesia is likely to have somewhat less
appeal to Malays.
It is true that during the anti-Dutch demonstrations that followed the
United Nations’ vote on New Guinea, the Malays generally expressed sympathy for
the Indonesians at a time when the feelings of the British in Malaya were
clearly with the Dutch. The reaction on the part of the Malays has been a
rather dispassionate general reaction toward their co-religionists and toward
people with whom they feel they have much in common. It has been specific
enough, however, to center particularly upon the Sumatrans as contrasted to the
Javanese. Any discussion of union with Indonesia has been of such a general and
vague nature that the different groups within Indonesia have never been singled
out for special reference.
The attitude of the Sumatran towards Malaya is somewhat more difficult to
gauge. In the past, there has been some tendency for the Sumatrans to look to
Malaya for employment opportunities. This, however, has been the case only with
laborers, since educated Sumatrans have generally been quite successful within
their own country.
Thus we find that the tendency in the past has been for the Malays to look
toward Indonesia for possible confederation for a larger state, while in
contrast there has been very little interest on the part of Sumatrans to look
toward Malaya for their political future. Among the Javanese there has been
some talk of a larger Indonesian nation that would include parts of Malaya.
This form of Indonesian nationalism has not been common to Sumatra. The current
revolt of the commanders in Sumatra has not been based on strong ideological
considerations that would call for the creation of a new and separate state or
for identification with Malaya.
The Malayan government has adopted a policy of strict neutrality toward the
conflict between Djakarta and Sumatra. If it were not for the issue of
communism, the Malayan government would probably support the central government
of Indonesia if elements in Sumatra were to revolt. Thus the neutrality of the
Malayan government is more a reflection of its strong anti-Communist position
than of any sense of association with Sumatra.
Indonesia has been of such a general and vague nature that the different
groups within Indonesia have never been singled out for special reference.
The attitude of the Sumatrans towards Malaya is somewhat more difficult to
gauge. In the past, there has been some tendency for the Sumatrans to look to
Malaya for employment opportunities. This, however, has been the case only with
laborers, since educated Sumatrans have generally been quite successful within
their own country.
Thus we find that the tendency in the past has been for the Malayans to
look toward Indonesia for possible confederation for a larger state, while in
contrast there has been very little interest on the part of Sumatrans to look
toward Malaya for their political future. Among the Javanese, there has been
some talk of a larger Indonesian nation that would include parts of Malaya.
This form of Indonesian nationalism has not been common to Sumatra. The current
revolt of the commanders in Sumatra has not been based on strong ideological
considerations that would call for the creation of a new and separate state or
for identification with Malaya.
The Malayan government has adopted a policy of strict neutrality toward the
conflict between Djakarta and Sumatra. If it were not for the issue of
communism, the Malayan government would probably support the central government
of Indonesia if elements on Sumatra were to revolt. Thus the neutrality of the
Malayan government is more a reflection of its strong anti-communist position
than of any sense of association with Sumatra.
F. Some Notes on the Minangkabau
The Minangkabau people originated in Sumatra where they are still one of
the most important ethnic groupings. A large colony of them, however, moved to
Negri Sembilan in Malaya during the sixteenth century. The origins of their
name are of some interest at this time when the Sumatrans are in revolt against
Javanese control. According to tradition, at the time of the Javanese kingdom
of Majapahit, the Javanese sent an expedition to conquer Western Sumatra. The
Javanese suggested to the local people that instead of fighting a military
engagement, they should permit two buffaloes to fight a duel, the winning
buffalo to decide the ownership of the territory.
The Minangkabaus took a young buffalo from its mother, starved it for milk
for a couple of days, and then tied sharp knives on the brow where its horns
had not yet grown. The Javanese produced a large buffalo, and when the fight
began, the Minangkabaus' little buffalo rushed up to the old buffalo's belly in
search of milk, and its knives gashed its rival's flesh, forcing it to run
away. The people were supposed to have shouted at this point: Menang Kerbau!
Menang Kerbau! ("Our buffalo wins.") Hence the name Minangkabau.
The distinctive feature of the Minangkabau culture is that it originally
was a matriarchy with respect to inheritance. A married man lived among his
wife's people and could not himself inherit property. The Minangkabau also
developed an extremely elaborate legal code known as the "adat
tertateh." The code itself is a highly refined one, with an impressive
number of explicitly defined categories for classifying types of civil and
criminal actions.
Another distinctive feature of the Minangkabau culture was the great
importance attached to many apparently democratic principles. For example, the
local chiefs were all elected; important decisions required the expression of
opinion of all within the group; and rich and poor, high-born and low-born were
all treated equally before the law. The one almost fatal flaw, however, of the
Minangkabau culture was their reliance on the principle of unanimity. It was
essential within this system, for almost all decisions had to receive the
unanimous consent of all involved. Often before decisions could be made,
considerable bloodshed had to take place in order to achieve unanimity. The
problem of ensuring that elections would take place for the functionally
important tribal chiefs without undue delay, because of the need for unanimity,
was resolved by insisting that the new chief would have to be elected before
the deceased chief could be buried.
The principle of unanimity was coupled with the idea that those in official
positions should be provided with very little authority. In Minangkabau
thinking, a man should be content with the honor and prestige of a post. To ask
for power and authority was to display a mean and grasping personality. The
Minangkabau ideal was to achieve honor and prestige without having to face any
ugly problems of decision-making. Compared with most traditional cultures,
there was a great deal of confusion among the Minangkabau on matters of
responsibility. The fundamental structure of the society was, of course, the
matriarchal pattern of relationships; the formal offices, although vigorously
contended over by the men, were of remarkably little consequence.
Another feature of Minangkabau culture has been its capacity to adapt to
external influences, absorbing many qualities of other cultures while
preserving its own fundamental principles. The Minangkabau accepted more from
the early Hindu influence in Southeast Asia than most of the people of the
region, even though their concepts of equality stood in basic contradiction to
the fundamental Hindu concept of caste. Later, in spite of all that the prophet
had to say about the inferior position of women, the Minangkabau accepted Islam
with alacrity. This would have been more understandable if it had been
accompanied by an assertion of authority on the part of men, but the matriarchy
seems to have become even more firmly entrenched after the acceptance of Islam.
In modern times, as we shall note, the Minangkabau had relatively conspicuous
success in adjusting to the Western impact. In doing so, however, they have
lost much of their dedication to matriarchal principles.
These cultural characteristics of the Minangkabau are well illustrated by
the practices of the Minangkabau colonists in Malaya. In defining the role of
their chief ruler or Yang-di-Pertuan, they reflected their exposure to Indian
culture by conceiving of him as one whose ancestors had been the incarnation of
Hindu gods. In deference to their Islamic religion, they thought of him as the
shadow of Allah on earth. But because of their own traditions they gave him no
authority; he could collect no taxes except fees at cockfights. He was expected
to live on his wife's inheritance. The Yang-di-Pertuan was in the awkward
position of being the supreme arbiter and judge only if the territorial chiefs
invited him to adjudicate—but they never did. He was also conceived of as the
caliph or head of the Muslim theocracy in any territory where the local chief
did not claim the title for himself—which he always did. Theoretically he
presided over a State Council—but this body almost never met because the
prospects for unit were usually so dim.
It is striking that the Minangkabau both in Malaya and in Sumatra
have been generally recognized as one of the more vigorous people, and that in
both areas a disproportionate number of them have followed careers in the civil
service and within the military. An extremely high proportion of the national
leaders of Indonesia are from Minangkabau. Dr. Hatta was born in Bukit Tinggi,
and Sjahrir, the leader of the socialists, and Natsir, the leader of the
Masjumi, are also from the Padang area of Sumatra.
Various hypotheses can be advanced as to why the Minangkabau have shown
such competitive success in more westernized pursuits. Possibly their
experience with this traditional elaborate legal code has given them a greater
sense for the importance and the relevance of legal structures. This tradition
may have made them more skilled in thinking in abstract and impersonal terms.
There is also some suggestion that the matriarchal system has driven the
Minangkabau male out of agriculture and away from concern with the maintenance
of lands which belong to the women. Thus the male is often more prepared to
follow careers carrying him into the civil service and military establishments.
It has also been suggested that the somewhat less pampering of the male child
among the Minangkabau as compared with most Malay and Indonesian culture
practices has led to a more self-reliant individual. Whatever the value of
these hypotheses, it is clear that products of Minangkabau culture have
generally adapted somewhat more readily to the demands of modern life than the
other Indonesians or Malays.
SOCIAL BEHAVIOR IN INDONESIA
11 April 1958
SOCIAL BEHAVIOR IN INDONESIA
Traditionally, Indonesia is a land of static, rigidly compartmentalized
caste society. In the world of personal relations between the high and low in
Indonesian society, or between the leader and the subordinate in politics,
proper attitudes and forms of address are precisely regulated and carefully
observed. Although revolutions have begun to destroy a part of the traditional
foundation of Indonesian manners, the old attitudes are still deeply
entrenched.
Many foreigners, upon observing the apparent nonchalance of Indonesians in
the face of personal difficulties or prolonged crises, are apt to consider that
the Indonesian character is easy-going. Such a conclusion reveals what an
overabundance of unobserved forms play in Indonesian social relationships. What
counts most in the Indonesian life is not the sincerity of an action between
persons but rather the successful concealing of all discordant facets of a
relationship. The decision to ignore, unmarried and proper attitude. Even a
known violation of ethical practices would not result in social ostracism,
provided that the parties concerned maintained a superficial decorum and
secrecy. Such easy-going might well misrepresent the true situation with other
than what appeared on the surface.
Satisfactory and enduring social relationships are dependent upon good
manners. Good manners adhere to a highly brilliant pattern of behavior
involving restraint in all things. Conversation should not be overfamiliar,
laughter should be kept subdued, and emotions should be expressed only to a
minimum. Indonesians may not show his feelings too openly, but must always
maintain his dignity and self-respect. He must strive to be regarded as
"halus" (smooth and courteous), rather than as "kasar"
(rude and boorish). Even children are expected to have good manners. A child
who fails to show proper respect is considered impolite, ill-mannered, and even
ungrateful. Disrespect to an older brother or sister is thought to bring down
supernatural punishment in the form of sickness.
Tolerance, in the sense of blending different forms of behavior to coexist
side by side, is an additional Indonesian value, well illustrated by the
Indonesian's adaptability to various religious systems. Tolerance is also
habitually shown in the attitude of deference toward changes in the occasion of
disputes or non-conforming behavior when the outward reaction is held or the
manner uninterrupted. Indonesian tolerance does have its limits, however, if an
Indonesian is pushed to the point where he feels that his total life pattern is
threatened, (rather than a partial aspect of it, which might be more subtle in
correction), his tolerance breaks, and in extreme cases he may run amok.
A word much used by Indonesians to express their attitude toward other
persons is malu. Malu connotes a peculiarly Indonesian concept of
shame. Being malu is, in a sense, akin to loss of face. Confidence in
one’s own dignity depends on a wariness in which malu fills an
everlasting accompaniment when one has acted very badly. It could be called
almost the respect for the honor of a man, his leader, or the standard of
reputation and position, which should be learned early. In the case of very
highly respected or beloved persons, the feeling amounts to awe.
Shame in this last aspect may be illustrated by an incident of a few years
ago, which occurred President Sukarno’s taking of a second wife. He decided to
take a second wife, causing much indignation among modern independence women’s
organizations, and one of the women’s groups went to him to make a personal
protest against this action which they felt demeaned the status of modern
Indonesian womanhood. When the group found itself face to face with Bung Karno,
the women became tongue-tied, and the protest was not made. His personality was
so magnetic and overpowering that the women were awed with malu, and
could not let themselves criticize him to his face. Indonesians explain this
feeling or action by saying that a truly great leader has such an impact on the
ordinary that one has to recognize his greatness, and one absolutely cannot
speak to him in the same manner as one ordinarily speaks.
The way structure of the Indonesian language is such that one cannot speak
to another person without indicating some degree of social relationship or
differentiation. In common speech, words are habitually used which indicate the
relationship between the speaker and the person spoken to. One omits these
words of respect at great risk and addresses a person solely by his name
betrays disrespect, or assumes familiarity.
Profanity is not used extensively by the Indonesians, and it seems most to
have been introduced into Indonesia before its introduction fits in use. The
worst insult that can be addressed to an Indonesian is to call him an animal,
particularly a dog (anjing). A Dutch dog (anjing belanda). Other
terms include bajingan (thief), anak haram (child of a
prostitute), or babi (You pig!).
Some of the social and religious restrictions and taboos operative in
Indonesian culture are listed in the following paragraphs.
One must not show disrespect by passing in front of an older person, or by
using the left hand to give him anything or to take anything from him. One must
never remain standing while an older person is seated, and one must never
address an older person while one has hands on hips. One must never touch an
older person's head.
A child who will not keep quiet is told that a soldier will shoot him. A
child who won't go to sleep is threatened with a formless bogeyman. A child who
is not well-behaved is threatened with an injection by a Dutchman. A child who
strays out of the front door is told that a dog will bite him.
An unmarried pregnant girl is a shame to her parents. Both her family and
the village officials will urge her to get married, but if that is not
feasible, she must bear the child and give it to a relative. Abortion in such a
situation is both sinful and illegal.
Real names are a closely kept secret in some areas. It is felt that the
knowledge of an individual's true name can be used to gain power over him.
A person who stares straight into another person's eyes is thought to be
crude and perhaps undependable, whereas a person who looks modestly down at the
floor is likely to possess nobility of spirit and true courage.
One must not talk while eating, since this will bring bad luck.
Animals are kept or shunned because of their spiritual qualities. The
Javanese keep special kinds of doves in bamboo cages hung on long poles in
front of their homes, in the hope that something of the spirit of the bird will
be passed on to them. A buffalo is not to be eaten, for fear that the anxiety
which is characteristic of this animal might be passed on to the person who
eats it; turtle meat is avoided lest one become slow of movement.
Sunset is a dangerous time, for the spirits are all wandering about at this
time, visiting their friends—one is likely to run into them in the street.
Twelve o'clock noon and midnight are also dangerous times.
Tears are prohibited near a corpse; they make the atmosphere so dark that
the deceased will have great difficulty finding his path to the grave.
Salt is scattered around the house of the deceased, so that his soul will
not return and disturb the inmates.
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